5-18 India (new cases/actice cases) 5050/50850= 10% rise https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/country/india/
Russia 9.7/212= 4.6% rise https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/country/india/
Brazil 15/105= 14% rise (for a day ago) https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/country/brazil
Mexico 22% rise https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/country/mexico
USA 10/1085= .9% rise https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/country/us
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5-18 India (new cases/actice cases) 5050/50850= 10% rise https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/country/india/
Russia 9.7/212= 4.6% rise https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/country/india/
Brazil 15/105= 14% rise (for a day ago) https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/country/brazil
Mexico 22% rise https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/country/mexico
USA 10/1085= .9% rise https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/country/us
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note the figures on the wall of this FSB officer's office: Lenin and the Cheka head
The JIT statement specified that contacts between DNR and the Kremlin had intensified in the weeks and days before the shoot-down, with almost daily telephone contact between the self-declared republic’s leadership and their handlers in Russia. Communication mostly took place via secure telephones provided by the Russian FSB. From the context of the JIT statement, it appeared that encrypted communications had been intercepted by Ukraine’s secret service, and some of the calls were ultimately decrypted by the Joint Investigation Team….
The phone intercepts published by JIT make frequent references to a certain “Vladimir Ivanovich”; a shadowy figure who, by the start of July 2014, was already in a crucial role supervising militant activities in Donbas and authorizing the flow of weapons across the border.
From a number of other calls in the next days, it becomes clear that “Vladimir Ivanovich” was a high-ranking FSB official who, no later than the beginning of July 2014, had been given authority to supervise militants’ operations in Ukraine. His supervising role continued at least until the end of July, as can be established from a call on 31 July when Girkin complains that “Vladimir Ivanovich must give me tasks to fulfill and not go above my head to command my people.”
In another intercept from the morning of 16 July 2014, the day before MH17 was shot down, Borodai asks “Vladimir Ivanovich” if it is possible that Russian helicopters were attacking, or could engage, Ukrainian positions near Maryinka….
In an intercepted call between two separatist commanders from 16 July 2014, one of them tells the other that Russian Defense Minister Shoigu has determined “who gets what” and informs him that the procedure has been delegated to “an FSB guy based on Rostov”. The next morning, the second militant, who identifies himself as Sergey Vorobyov, phones “Vladimir Ivanovich” to request a list of “things we need”, and says that the request has been coordinated between the Russia-appointed Crimean prime minister Sergey Aksyonov and the chief of the FSB, Alexander Bortnikov.
While previously both GRU and FSB had run their own proxy military groups in the Donbas and had furnished them with weapons independently — sometimes leading to infighting between the two groups — by early July, this process had been centralized under the FSB’s control. Vladimir Ivanovich had clearly been the FSB official to whom the curation of the flow of weapons across the border had been delegated.
Given such a crucial role, it would be impossible that a large cluster of military equipment — a Buk missile launcher and accompanying vehicles — would have been able to cross the border in the morning hours of 17 July without the direct authorization of “Vladimir Ivanovich”. As a consequence, “Vladimir Ivanovich” would have played a critical role in the chain of command for the deployment of the Buk installation in Ukraine and thus also for the crime of shooting down MH17.
We have identified “Vladimir Ivanovich” as Col. General Andrey Ivanovich Burlaka, who serves as Chief of the Operational Staff of the FSB’s Border Service and is first deputy to the head of the Border Service of FSB, who in turn is first deputy to the head of the FSB, Alexander Bortnikov….
While there is no publicly available official information of Gen. Andrey Burlaka’s involvement in the Donbas war, travel data obtained by Bellingcat and a review of previously leaked or hacked correspondence corroborates the evidence from the intercepts published by JIT.
A review of Burlaka’s airplane travel in 2014 and 2015 shows that he frequently flew from Moscow to Rostov, to Crimea. and to Krasnodar — the three control centers for military operations against Ukraine.
https://www.bellingcat.com/news/2020/04/28/burlaka/
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